<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
<document>
<title>Grover Cleveland</title>
<authors>Wikipedia</authors>
<publisher>wikipedia.org</publisher>
<publishedplace>network</publishedplace>
<publishedyear>2010</publishedyear>
<edition></edition>
<category>Irish Americans</category>
<section id="3130" fatherid="0" title="" lv="" priority="-1" level="1">
Stephen Grover Cleveland (March 18, 1837 June 24, 1908) was the 22nd and 24th President of the United States. Cleveland is the only president to serve two non-consecutive terms (1885–1889 and 1893–1897) and therefore is the only individual to be counted twice in the numbering of the presidents. He was the winner of the popular vote for president three times—in 1884, 1888, and 1892—and was the only Democrat elected to the presidency in the era of Republican political domination that lasted from 1860 to 1912. Cleveland's admirers praise him for his honesty, independence, integrity, and commitment to the principles of classical liberalism.Jeffers, 8–12; Nevins, 4–5  As a leader of the Bourbon Democrats, he opposed imperialism, taxes, subsidies and inflationary policies. As a reformer he also worked against corruption, patronage, and bossism.
Some of Cleveland's actions caused controversy within his own party. He used the presidential veto 584 times, far more than any president before him. His intervention in the Pullman Strike of 1894 in order to keep the railroads moving angered labor unions, and his support of the gold standard and opposition to free silver alienated the agrarian wing of the Democrats.Tugwell, 220–249  Furthermore, critics complained that he had little imagination and seemed overwhelmed by the nation's economic disasters—depressions and strikes—in his second term.  Even so, his reputation for honesty and good character survived the troubles of his second term. Biographer Allan Nevins wrote, "in Grover Cleveland the greatness lies in typical rather than unusual qualities. He had no endowments that thousands of men do not have. He possessed honesty, courage, firmness, independence, and common sense. But he possessed them to a degree other men do not."Nevins, 4

</section>
<section id="3131" fatherid="0" title="Family and early life" lv="" priority="2" level="1">
<section id="3132" fatherid="3131" title="Childhood and family history" lv="" priority="1" level="2">
Stephen Grover Cleveland was born on March 18, 1837, in Caldwell, New Jersey to Richard Falley Cleveland and Ann Neal Cleveland.Nevins, 8–10  Cleveland's father was a Presbyterian minister, originally from Connecticut.Graff, 3–4; Nevins, 8–10  His mother was from Baltimore, the daughter of a bookseller.Graff, 3–4  On his father's side, Cleveland was descended from English ancestors, the first Cleveland having emigrated to Massachusetts from northeastern England in 1635.Nevins, 6  On his mother's side, Cleveland was descended from Anglo-Irish Protestants and German Quakers from Philadelphia.Nevins, 9  He was distantly related to General Moses Cleaveland after whom the city of Cleveland, Ohio, was named.Graff, 7
Cleveland was the fifth of nine children, five sons and four daughters.  He was named Stephen Grover in honor of the first pastor of the First Presbyterian Church of Caldwell, where his father was pastor at the time, but he did not use the name Stephen in his adult life.Nevins, 10; Graff, 3  In 1841, the Cleveland family moved to Fayetteville, New York, where Grover Cleveland spent much of his childhood.Nevins, 11; Graff, 8–9 Neighbors would later describe him as "full of fun and inclined to play pranks",Nevins, 11 and fond of outdoor sports.Jeffers, 17  In 1850, Cleveland's father took a job in Clinton, Oneida County, New York, and the family relocated there.Nevins, 17–19  They moved again in 1853 to Holland Patent, New York, near Utica.Nevins, 21  Not long after the family arrived in Holland Patent, Cleveland's father died.

</section>
<section id="3133" fatherid="3131" title="Education and moving west" lv="" priority="2" level="2">
Cleveland's education started in grammar school at the Fayetteville Academy.Jeffers, 16–17  When the family moved to Clinton, Cleveland was enrolled at the Clinton Liberal Academy.Nevins, 18–19; Jeffers, 19  After his father died in 1853, Cleveland  school and helped to support his family.Nevins, 23–24  Later that year, Cleveland's brother William was hired as a teacher at the New York Institute for the Blind in New York City, and William obtained a place for Cleveland as an assistant teacher.  While there, he also acted as an occasional scribe for the poet and hymn-writer Fanny Crosby, who had been a student, and later a teacher at the school.Crosby, 111–116  After teaching for a year, Cleveland returned home to Holland Patent at the end of 1854.Nevins, 27
Back in Holland Patent, the seventeen-year-old Cleveland looked for work unsuccessfully.  An elder in his church offered to pay for his college education if he would promise to become a minister, but Cleveland declined.  Instead, the following spring Cleveland decided to make his way west to the city of Cleveland, Ohio.  He stopped first in Buffalo, New York, where his uncle, Lewis W. Allen, lived. Allen dissuaded Cleveland from continuing west, and offered him a job arranging his livestock herdbooks.Nevins, 28–33  Allen was an important man in Buffalo, and he introduced his nephew to influential men there, including the partners in the law firm of Rogers, Bowen, and Rogers.Nevins, 31–36; Graff, 10–11  Cleveland later took a clerkship with the firm, and was admitted to the bar in 1859.Graff, 14

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<section id="3134" fatherid="3131" title="Early career and the Civil War" lv="" priority="3" level="2">
After becoming a lawyer, Cleveland worked for the Rogers firm for three years, leaving in 1862 to start his own practice.Graff, 14–15  In January 1863, he was appointed assistant district attorney of Erie County.Graff, 15; Nevins, 46  With the American Civil War raging, Congress passed the Conscription Act of 1863, requiring able-bodied men to serve in the army if called upon, or else to hire a substitute.  Cleveland chose the latter course, paying George Benninsky, a thirty-two year-old Polish immigrant, $150 to serve in his place.Graff, 14; Nevins, 51–52. Benninsky survived the war.  As a lawyer, Cleveland became known for his single-minded concentration and dedication to hard work.Nevins, 52–53  In 1866, he defended some participants in the Fenian raid of that year, doing so successfully and free of charge.Nevins, 54  In 1868, Cleveland attracted some attention within his profession for his successful defense of a libel suit against the editor of the Commercial Advertiser, a Buffalo newspaper.Nevins, 54–55  During this time, Cleveland lived simply in a boarding house; although his income grew sufficient to support a more lavish lifestyle, Cleveland continued to support his mother and younger sisters.Nevins, 55–56  While his personal quarters were austere, Cleveland did enjoy an active social life and enjoyed "the easy-going sociability of hotel-lobbies and saloons."Nevins, 56
</section>
</section>
<section id="3135" fatherid="0" title="Political career in New York" lv="" priority="3" level="1">
<section id="3136" fatherid="3135" title="Sheriff of Erie County" lv="" priority="1" level="2">
From his earliest involvement in politics, Cleveland aligned himself with the Democratic Party.Nevins, 44–45  In 1865, he ran for District Attorney, losing narrowly to his friend and roommate, Lyman K. Bass, the Republican nominee.  Cleveland then stayed out of politics until 1870 when, with the help of his friend, Oscar Folsom, he secured the Democratic nomination for sheriff of Erie County.Nevins, 58  At the age of thirty-three, Cleveland found himself elected sheriff by a 303-vote margin, taking office on January 1, 1871.Jeffers, 33  While this new career took him away from the practice of law, it was rewarding in other ways: the fees were said to yield up to $40,000 over the two-year term.  The most well-known incident of his term involved the execution of a murderer, Patrick Morrisey, on September 6, 1872.Jeffers, 34; Nevins, 61–62  Cleveland, as sheriff, was responsible for either personally carrying out the execution, or paying a deputy $10 to perform the task.  Cleveland had qualms about the hanging, but opted to carry out the duty himself.  He hanged another murderer, John Gaffney, on February 14, 1873.
After his term as sheriff ended, Cleveland returned to private practice, opening a law firm with his friends Lyman K. Bass and Wilson S. Bissell.Jeffers, 36; Nevins, 64  Bass did not spend much time at the firm, being elected to Congress in 1873, but Cleveland and Bissell soon found themselves at the top of Buffalo's legal community.Nevins, 66–71  Up to that point, Cleveland's political career had been honorable but unremarkable. As biographer Allan Nevins wrote, "probably no man in the country, on March 4, 1881, had less thought than this limited, simple, sturdy attorney of Buffalo that four years later he would be standing in Washington and taking the oath as president of the United States."Nevins, 78

</section>
<section id="3137" fatherid="3135" title="Mayor of Buffalo" lv="" priority="2" level="2">
In the 1870s, the government of Buffalo had grown increasingly corrupt, with Democratic and Republican political machines cooperating to share the spoils.Nevins, 79; Graff, 18–19; Jeffers, 42–45; Welch, 24  When, in 1881, the Republicans nominated a slate of particularly disreputable machine politicians, the Democrats saw the opportunity to gain the votes of disaffected Republicans by nominating a more honest candidate.Nevins, 79–80; Graff, 18–19; Welch, 24  The party leaders approached Cleveland and he agreed to run for mayor, provided that the rest of the ticket was to his liking.Nevins, 80–81  When the more notorious politicians were  off the Democratic ticket, Cleveland accepted the nomination.  Cleveland was elected mayor with 15,120 votes, as against 11,528 for Milton C. Beebe, his opponent.Nevins, 83  He took office January 2, 1882.
Cleveland's term as mayor was spent fighting the entrenched interests of the party machines.Graff, 19; Jeffers, 46–50  Among the acts that established his reputation was a veto of the street-cleaning bill passed by the Common Council.Nevins, 84–86  The street-cleaning contract was open for bids, and the Council selected the highest bidder, rather than the lowest, because of the political connections of the bidder.  While this sort of bipartisan graft had previously been tolerated in Buffalo, Mayor Cleveland would have none of it, and replied with a stinging veto message: "I regard it as the culmination of a most bare-faced, impudent, and shameless scheme to betray the interests of the people, and to worse than squander the public money".Nevins, 85  The Council reversed themselves and awarded the contract to the lowest bidder.Nevins, 86  For this, and several other acts to safeguard the public funds, Cleveland's reputation as an honest politician began to spread beyond Erie County.Nevins, 94–95; Jeffers, 50–51

</section>
<section id="3138" fatherid="3135" title="Governor of New York" lv="" priority="3" level="2">
As Cleveland's reputation grew, state Democratic party officials began to consider him a possible nominee for governor.Nevins, 94–99; Graff, 26–27  Daniel Manning, a party insider who admired Cleveland's record, promoted his candidacy.Nevins, 95–101  With a split in the state Republican party, 1882 looked to be a Democratic year and there were several contenders for that party's nomination.  The two leading Democratic candidates were Roswell P. Flower and Henry W. Slocum, but their factions deadlocked and the convention could not agree on a nominee.Graff, 26; Nevins, 101–103  Cleveland, in third place on the first ballot, picked up support in subsequent votes and emerged as the compromise choice.Nevins, 103–104  The Republican party remained divided against itself, and in the general election Cleveland emerged the victor, with 535,318 votes to Republican nominee Charles J. Folger's 342,464.Nevins, 105  Cleveland's margin of victory was, at the time, the largest in a contested New York election, and the Democrats also picked up seats in both houses of the legislature.Graff, 28
Continuing his opposition to unnecessary spending, Cleveland sent the legislature eight vetos in his first two months in office.Graff, 35  The first to attract attention was his veto of a bill to reduce the fares on New York City elevated trains to five cents.Graff, 35–36  The bill had broad support because the el trains' owner, Jay Gould, was unpopular and his fare increases were widely denounced.Nevins, 114–116  Cleveland saw the bill as unjust—Gould had taken over the railroads when they were failing and had made the system solvent again.Nevins, 116–117  Moreover, Cleveland believed that altering Gould's franchise would violate the Contract Clause of the federal Constitution.  Despite the initial popularity of the measure, the newspapers praised Cleveland's veto.  Theodore Roosevelt, then a member of the Assembly, said that he had initially voted for the bill believing it was wrong, but wishing to punish the unscrupulous railroad barons.Nevins, 117–118  After the veto, Roosevelt reversed himself, as did many legislators, and the veto was sustained.
Cleveland's blunt, honest ways won him popular acclaim, but they also gained him the enmity of certain factions of his own party, especially the Tammany Hall organization in New York City.Nevins, 125–126; Graff, 49–51  Tammany, under its boss, John Kelly, had not supported Cleveland's nomination as governor, and disliked him all the more when Cleveland openly opposed the re-election of one of their State Senators.Nevins, 133–138  Losing Tammany's support was balanced, however, by gaining the support of Theodore Roosevelt and other reform-minded Republicans who helped Cleveland to pass several laws reforming municipal governments.Nevins, 138–140

</section>
</section>
<section id="3139" fatherid="0" title="Election of 1884" lv="" priority="4" level="1">
<section id="3140" fatherid="3139" title="Nomination for president" lv="" priority="1" level="2">
The Republicans convened in Chicago and nominated former Speaker of the House James G. Blaine of Maine for president on the fourth ballot. Blaine's nomination alienated many Republicans who viewed Blaine as ambitious and immoral.Nevins, 185–186; Jeffers, 96–97  Democratic party leaders saw the Republicans' choice as an opportunity to take back the White House for the first time since 1856 if the  candidate could be found.
Among the Democrats, Samuel J. Tilden was the initial front-runner, having been the party's nominee in the contested election of 1876.Nevins, 146–147  Tilden, however, was in poor health, and after he declined to be nominated, his supporters shifted to several other contenders.  Cleveland was among the leaders in early support, but Thomas F. Bayard of Delaware, Allen G. Thurman of Ohio, and Benjamin Butler of Massachusetts also had considerable followings, along with various favorite sons.  Each of the other candidates had hindrances to his nomination: Bayard had spoken in favor of secession in 1861, making him unacceptable to Northerners; Butler, conversely, was reviled throughout the South for his actions during the Civil War; Thurman was generally well-liked, but was growing old and infirm and his views on the silver question were uncertain.Nevins, 147  Cleveland, too, had detractors—Tammany remained opposed to him—but the nature of his enemies made him still more friends.Nevins, 152–153; Graff, 51–53  Cleveland led on the first ballot, with 392 votes out of 820.Nevins, 153  On the second ballot, Tammany threw its support behind Butler, but the rest of the delegates shifted to Cleveland, and he was nominated.Nevins, 154; Graff, 53–54  Thomas A. Hendricks of Indiana was selected as his running mate.

</section>
<section id="3141" fatherid="3139" title="Campaign against Blaine" lv="" priority="2" level="2">
After Cleveland's nomination, reform-minded Republicans called "Mugwumps" denounced Blaine as corrupt and flocked to Cleveland.Nevins, 156–159; Graff, 55  The Mugwumps, including such men as Carl Schurz and Henry Ward Beecher, were more concerned with ideals than with party, and hoped that Cleveland would endorse their crusade for civil service reform and efficiency in government.  At the same time that the Democrats gained support from the Mugwumps, they lost some to the Greenback-Labor party, led by ex-Democrat Benjamin Butler.Nevins, 187–188
Each candidate's supporters cast aspersions on their opponents. Cleveland's supporters rehashed the old allegations that Blaine had corruptly influenced legislation in favor of the Little Rock -anddocsymbol- Fort Smith Railroad and the Northern Pacific Railway, later profiting on the sale of bonds he owned in both companies.Nevins, 159–162; Graff, 59–60  Although the stories of Blaine's favors to the railroads had made the rounds eight years earlier, this time Blaine's correspondence was discovered, making his earlier denials less plausible.  On some of the most damaging correspondence, Blaine had written "Burn this letter," giving Democrats the last line to their rallying cry: "Blaine, Blaine, James G. Blaine, the continental liar from the state of Maine, 'Burn this letter!"Graff, 59; Jeffers, 111; Nevins, 177, Welch, 34
To counter Cleveland's image of purity, his opponents reported that Cleveland had fathered an illegitimate child while he was a lawyer in Buffalo.Nevins, 162–169; Jeffers, 106–111; Graff, 60–65; Welch, 36–39  The derisive phrase "Ma, Ma, where's my Pa?" rose as an unofficial campaign slogan for those who opposed him.  When confronted with the emerging scandal, Cleveland's instructions to his campaign staff were: "Tell the truth."Nevins, 163, Graff, 62  Cleveland admitted to paying child support in 1874 to Maria Crofts Halpin, the woman who claimed he fathered her child named Oscar Folsom Cleveland.  Halpin was involved with several men at the time, including Cleveland's friend and law partner, Oscar Folsom, for whom the child was also named.  Cleveland did not know which man was the father, and is believed to have assumed responsibility because he was the only bachelor among them.
Both candidates believed that the states of New York, New Jersey, Indiana, and Connecticut would determine the election.Welch, 33  In New York, the Tammany Hall, after vacillating, decided that they would gain more from supporting a Democrat they disliked than a Republican who would do nothing for them.Nevins, 170–171  Blaine hoped that he would have more support from Irish Americans than Republicans typically did; while the Irish were mainly a Democratic constituency in the 19th century, Blaine's mother was Irish Catholic, and he had been supportive of the Irish National Land League while he was Secretary of State.Nevins, 170  The Irish, a significant group in three of the swing states, did appear inclined to support Blaine until one of his supporters, Samuel D. Burchard, gave a speech denouncing the Democrats as the party of "Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion".Nevins, 181–184  The Democrats spread the word of this insult in the days before the election, and Cleveland narrowly won all four of the swing states, including New York by just over one thousand votes.,   While the popular vote total was close, with Cleveland winning by just one-quarter of a percent, the electoral votes gave Cleveland a majority of 219–182.  Following the electoral victory, the "Ma, Ma ..." attack phrase gained a classic rejoinder: "Gone to the White House. Ha! Ha! Ha!"Graff, 64

</section>
</section>
<section id="3142" fatherid="0" title="First term as president (1885–1889)" lv="" priority="5" level="1">
<section id="3143" fatherid="3142" title="Reform" lv="" priority="1" level="2">
Soon after taking office, Cleveland was faced with the task of filling all the government jobs for which the president had the power of appointment. These jobs were typically filled under the spoils system, but Cleveland announced that he would not fire any Republican who was doing his job well, and would not appoint anyone solely on the basis of party service.Nevins, 208–211  He also used his appointment powers to reduce the number of federal employees, as many departments had become bloated with political time-servers.Nevins, 214–217  Later in his term, as his fellow Democrats chafed at being excluded from the spoils, Cleveland began to replace more of the partisan Republican officeholders with Democrats.Graff, 83  While some of his decisions were influenced by party concerns, more of Cleveland's appointments were decided by merit alone than was the case in his predecessors' administrations.Nevins, 238–241; Welch, 59–60
Cleveland also reformed other parts of the government. In 1887 he signed an act creating the Interstate Commerce Commission.Nevins, 354–357; Graff, 85  He and Secretary of the Navy William C. Whitney undertook to modernize the navy and canceled construction contracts that had resulted in inferior ships.Nevins, 217–223; Graff, 77  Cleveland angered railroad investors by ordering an investigation of western lands they held by government grant.Nevins, 223–228 Secretary of the Interior Lucius Q.C. Lamar charged that the s of way for this land must be returned to the public because the railroads failed to extend their lines according to agreements.  The lands were forfeited, resulting in the return of approximately .

</section>
<section id="3144" fatherid="3142" title="Vetoes" lv="" priority="2" level="2">
Cleveland faced a Republican Senate and often resorted to using his veto powers.Graff, 85  He vetoed hundreds of private pension bills for American Civil War veterans, believing that if their pensions requests had already been rejected by the Pensions Bureau, Congress should not attempt to override that decision.Nevins, 326–328; Graff, 83–84  When Congress, pressured by the Grand Army of the Republic, passed a bill granting pensions for disabilities not caused by military service, Cleveland also vetoed that.Nevins, 300–331; Graff, 83  Cleveland used the veto far more often than any president up to that time.See List of United States presidential vetoes  In 1887, Cleveland issued his most well-known veto, that of the Texas Seed Bill.Nevins, 331–332; Graff, 85  After a drought had ruined crops in several Texas counties, Congress appropriated $10,000 to purchase seed grain for farmers there.  Cleveland vetoed the expenditure. In his veto message, he espoused a theory of limited government (at ).
</section>
<section id="3145" fatherid="3142" title="Silver" lv="" priority="3" level="2">
One of the most volatile issues of the 1880s was whether the currency should be backed by gold and silver, or by gold alone.Jeffers, 157–158  The issue cut across party lines, with western Republicans and southern Democrats joining together in the call for the free coinage of silver, and both parties' representatives in the northeast holding firm for the gold standard.Nevins, 201–205; Graff, 102–103  Because silver was worth less than its legal equivalent in gold, taxpayers paid their government bills in silver, while international creditors demanded payment in gold, resulting in a depletion of the nation's gold supply.



Cleveland and Treasury Secretary Daniel Manning stood firmly on the side of the gold standard, and tried to reduce the amount of silver that the government was required to coin under the Bland-Allison Act of 1878.Nevins, 269  This angered Westerners and Southerners, who advocated for cheap money to help their poorer constituents.Nevins, 268  In reply, one of the foremost silverites, Richard P. Bland, introduced a bill in 1886 that would require the government to coin unlimited amounts of silver, inflating the then-deflating currency.Nevins, 273  While Bland's bill was defeated, so was a bill the administration favored that would repeal any silver coinage requirement.  The result was a retention of the status quo, and a postponement of the resolution of the free silver issue.Nevins, 277–279

</section>
<section id="3146" fatherid="3142" title="Tariffs" lv="" priority="4" level="2">
Another contentious financial issue at the time was the protective tariff. While it had not been a central point in his campaign, Cleveland's opinion on the tariff was that of most Democrats: that the tariff ought to be reduced.Nevins, 280–282, Reitano, 46–62  Republicans generally favored a high tariff to protect American industries.  American tariffs had been high since the Civil War, and by the 1880s the tariff brought in so much revenue that the government was running a surplus.Nevins, 286–287
In 1886, a bill to reduce the tariff was narrowly defeated in the House.Nevins, 287–288  The tariff issue was emphasized in the Congressional elections that year, and the forces of protectionism increased their numbers in the Congress.Nevins, 290–296; Graff, 87–88  Nevertheless, Cleveland continued to advocate tariff reform. As the surplus grew, Cleveland and the reformers called for a tariff for revenue only.Nevins, 370–371  His message to Congress in 1887 (quoted at ) pointed out the injustice of taking more money from the people than the government needed to pay for its operating expenses.Nevins, 379–381  Republicans, as well as protectionist northern Democrats like Samuel J. Randall, believed that without high tariffs American industries would fail, and continued to fight reformers' efforts.Nevins, 383–385  Roger Q. Mills, the chairman of the House Committee on Ways and Means, proposed a bill that would reduce the tariff burden from about 47% to about 40%.Graff, 88–89  After significant exertions by Cleveland and his allies, the bill passed the House.  The Republican Senate, however, failed to come to agreement with the Democratic House, and the bill died in the conference committee. Dispute over the tariff would carry over into the 1888 presidential election.

</section>
<section id="3147" fatherid="3142" title="Foreign policy, 1885–1889" lv="" priority="5" level="2">
Cleveland was a committed non-interventionist who had campaigned in opposition to expansion and imperialism. He refused to promote the previous administration's Nicaragua canal treaty, and generally was less of an expansionist in foreign relations.Nevins, 205; 404–405  Cleveland's Secretary of State, Thomas F. Bayard, negotiated with Joseph Chamberlain of the United Kingdom over fishing s in the waters off Canada, and struck a conciliatory note, despite the opposition of New England's Republican Senators.Nevins, 404–413  Cleveland also withdrew from Senate consideration the Berlin Conference treaty which guaranteed an open door for U.S. interests in the Congo.Zakaria, 80
</section>
<section id="3148" fatherid="3142" title="Civil s" lv="" priority="-6" level="2">
Cleveland, like a growing number of Northerners (and nearly all white Southerners) saw Reconstruction as a failed experiment, and was reluctant to use federal power to enforce the 15th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, which guaranteed voting s to African Americans.Welch, 65–66  Cleveland initially appointed no black Americans to patronage jobs, but did allow Frederick Douglass to continue in his post as recorder of deeds in Washington, D.C.  When Douglass later resigned, Cleveland appointed another black man to replace him.  While he claimed to deplore lynchings, he made no use of the federal power to prevent them. (Southern Democrats continued to block federal anti-lynching legislation well into the 20th century.)Welch, 68
Although Cleveland had condemned the "outrages" against Chinese immigrants, he believed that Chinese immigrants were unwilling to assimilate into white society.Welch, 72  Secretary of State Bayard negotiated an extension to the Chinese Exclusion Act, and Cleveland lobbied the Congress to pass the Scott Act, written by Congressman William Lawrence Scott, which would prevent Chinese immigrants who  the United States from returning.Welch, 73  The Scott Act easily passed both houses of Congress, and Cleveland signed it into law on October 1, 1888.
Cleveland viewed Native Americans as wards of the state, saying in his first inaugural address that "this guardianship involves, on our part, efforts for the improvement of their condition and enforcement of their s."Welch, 70–  He encouraged the idea of cultural assimilation, pushing for the passage of the Dawes Act, which provided for distribution of Indian lands to individual members of tribes, rather than having them continued to be held in trust for the tribes by the federal government.  While a conference of Native leaders endorsed the act, in practice the majority of Native Americans disapproved of it.Graff, 206–207  Cleveland believed the Dawes Act would lift Native Americans out of poverty and encourage their assimilation into white society, but its ultimate effect was to weaken the tribal governments and encourage sale of Indian land to white speculators.

</section>
<section id="3149" fatherid="3142" title="Marriage and children" lv="" priority="7" level="2">
Cleveland entered the White house as a bachelor, but did not remain one for long. In 1885, the daughter of Cleveland's friend Oscar Folsom visited him in Washington.Graff, 78 Frances Folsom was a student at Wells College, and when she returned to school Cleveland received her mother's permission to correspond with her. They were soon engaged to be married.
On June 2, 1886, Cleveland married Frances in the Blue Room in the White House.Graff, 79 He was the second president to marry while in office, and the only president to have a wedding in the White House.The previous president to marry during his term was John Tyler. Graff, 80  This marriage was unusual because Cleveland was the executor of Oscar Folsom's estate and had supervised Frances' upbringing, but the public did not, in general, take exception to the match.Jeffers, 170–176; Graff, 78–81; Nevins, 302–308; Welch, 51  At twenty-one years old, Frances was the youngest First Lady in American history, but the public soon warmed to her beauty and warm personality.Graff, 80–81  The Clevelands had five children: Ruth (1891–1904); Esther (1893–1980); Marion (1895–1977); Richard Folsom (1897–1974); and Francis Grover (1903–1995).  The British philosopher Philippa Foot is their granddaughter.

</section>
<section id="3150" fatherid="3142" title="Administration and Cabinet" lv="" priority="-8" level="2">
</section>
<section id="3151" fatherid="3142" title="Judicial appointments" lv="" priority="9" level="2">
<section id="3152" fatherid="3151" title="Supreme Court appointments" lv="" priority="1" level="3">
During his first term, Cleveland successfully appointed two justices to the Supreme Court of the United States. The first, Lucius Q.C. Lamar, was a former Mississippi Senator then serving in Cleveland's Cabinet as Interior Secretary. When William Burnham Woods died, Cleveland nominated Lamar to his seat in late 1887.Nevins, 339  While Lamar had been well-liked as a Senator, his service under the Confederacy two decades earlier caused many Republicans to vote against him.  Lamar's nomination was confirmed by the narrow margin of 32 to 28.
Chief Justice Morrison Waite died a few months later, and Cleveland nominated Melville Fuller to his seat on April 30, 1888.Nevins, 445–447  Cleveland had previously offered to nominate Fuller to the Civil Service Commission, but Fuller had declined to leave his Chicago law practice.Nevins, 250  Fuller accepted the Supreme Court nomination, and the Senate Judiciary Committee spent several months examining the little-known nominee.  Finding him acceptable, the Senate confirmed the nomination 41 to 20.

</section>
<section id="3153" fatherid="3151" title="Other judicial appointments" lv="" priority="2" level="3">
Cleveland appointed a total of 45 federal judges. In addition to his four Supreme Court appointments, these included two judges to the United States circuit courts, nine judges to the United States Courts of Appeals,and 30 judges to the United States district courts. Because Cleveland served terms both before and after Congress eliminated the circuit courts in favor of the Courts of Appeals, he is one of only two Presidents to have appointed judges to both bodies. The other, Benjamin Harrison, was in office at the time that the change was made. Thus, all of Cleveland's appointments to the circuit courts were made in his first term, and all of his appointments to the Courts of Appeals were made in his second.
</section>
</section>
</section>
<section id="3154" fatherid="0" title="Election of 1888 and return to private life" lv="" priority="6" level="1">
<section id="3155" fatherid="3154" title="Defeated by Harrison" lv="" priority="1" level="2">
The debate over tariff reduction continued into the 1888 presidential campaign.Nevins, 418–420  The Republicans nominated Benjamin Harrison of Indiana for president and Levi P. Morton of New York for vice president. Cleveland was easily renominated at the Democratic convention in St. Louis.Graff, 90–91  Vice President Hendricks having died in 1885, the Democrats chose Allen G. Thurman of Ohio to be Cleveland's running mate.  The Republicans campaigned heavily on the tariff issue, turning out protectionist voters in the important industrial states of the North.  Further, the Democrats in New York were divided over the gubernatorial candidacy of David B. Hill, weakening Cleveland's support in that swing state.Nevins, 423–427
As in 1884, the election focused on the swing states of New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, and Indiana. Unlike that year, when Cleveland triumphed in all four, in 1888 he won only two, losing his home state of New York by 14,373 votes.,   More notoriously, the Republicans were victorious in Indiana, largely as the result of fraud.Nevins, 435–439; Jeffers, 220–222; Goldman, 143–144; see also Blocks of Five.  Republican victory in that state, where Cleveland lost by just 2,348 votes, was sufficient to propel Harrison to victory, despite his loss of the nationwide popular vote.  Cleveland continued his duties diligently until the end of the term and began to look forward to return to private life.Nevins, 443–449

</section>
<section id="3156" fatherid="3154" title="Private citizen for four years" lv="" priority="2" level="2">
As Frances Cleveland  the White House, she told a staff member, "Now, Jerry, I want you to take good care of all the furniture and ornaments in the house, for I want to find everything just as it is now, when we come back again." When asked when she would return, she responded, "We are coming back four years from today."Nevins, 448  In the meantime, the Clevelands moved to New York City where Cleveland took a position with the law firm of Bangs, Stetson, Tracy, and MacVeigh, a predecessor to the current firm Davis Polk -anddocsymbol- Wardwell.Nevins, 450.  Cleveland's income with the firm was not high, but neither were his duties especially onerous.Nevins, 450–452 While they lived in New York, the Clevelands' first child, Ruth, was born in 1891.Nevins, 450; Graff, 99–100
The Harrison administration worked with Congress to pass the McKinley Tariff and the Sherman Silver Purchase Act, two policies Cleveland deplored as dangerous to the nation's financial health.Graff, 102–105; Nevins, 465–467  At first he refrained from criticizing his successor, but by 1891 Cleveland felt compelled to speak out, addressing his concerns in an open letter to a meeting of reformers in New York.Graff, 104–105; Nevins, 467–468  The "silver letter" thrust Cleveland's name back into the spotlight just as the 1892 election was approaching.Nevins, 470–471

</section>
</section>
<section id="3157" fatherid="0" title="Election of 1892" lv="" priority="7" level="1">
<section id="3158" fatherid="3157" title="" lv="" priority="-1" level="2">
</section>
<section id="3159" fatherid="3157" title="Democratic nomination" lv="" priority="2" level="2">
Cleveland's stature as an ex-president and recent pronouncements on the monetary issues made him a leading contender for the Democratic nomination.Nevins, 468–469  His leading opponent was David B. Hill, who was by that time a Senator for New York.Nevins, 470–473  Hill united the anti-Cleveland elements of the Democratic party—silverites, protectionists, and Tammany Hall—but was unable to create a coalition large enough to deny Cleveland the nomination.  Despite some desperate maneuvering by Hill, Cleveland was nominated on the first ballot at the convention in Chicago.Nevins, 480–491  For vice president, the Democrats chose to balance the ticket with Adlai E. Stevenson of Illinois, a silverite.Graff, 105; Nevins, 492–493
</section>
<section id="3160" fatherid="3157" title="Campaign against Harrison" lv="" priority="3" level="2">
The Republicans re-nominated President Harrison, making the 1892 election a rematch of the one four years earlier. Unlike the turbulent and controversial elections of 1876, 1884 and 1888, the 1892 election was "the cleanest, quietest, and most creditable in the memory of the post-war generation",Nevins, 498 in part because Harrison's wife, Caroline, was dying of tuberculosis.Calhoun, 149 Harrison didn't personally campaign because of his wife's declining health, and Cleveland followed suit out of sympathy to his political rival as not to exploit Mrs. Harrison's illness.  The issue of the tariff had worked to the Republicans' advantage in 1888, but the revisions of the past four years had made imported goods so expensive that now many voters shifted to the reform position.Nevins, 499  Many westerners, traditionally Republican voters, defected to the new Populist Party candidate, James Weaver, who promised free silver, generous veterans' pensions, and an eight-hour work day.Graff, 106–107; Nevins, 505–506  Finally, the Tammany Hall Democrats adhered to the national ticket, allowing a united Democratic party to carry New York.Graff, 108  The result was a victory for Cleveland by wide margins in both the popular and electoral votes, and was Cleveland's third consecutive popular vote plurality.,
</section>
</section>
<section id="3161" fatherid="0" title="Second term as president (1893–1897)" lv="" priority="8" level="1">
<section id="3162" fatherid="3161" title="Economic panic and the silver issue" lv="" priority="1" level="2">
Shortly after Cleveland's second term began, the Panic of 1893 struck the stock market, and he soon faced an acute economic depression.Graff, 114  The panic was worsened by the acute shortage of gold that resulted from the free coinage of silver, and Cleveland called Congress into session early to deal with the problem.Nevins, 526–528  The debate over the coinage was as heated as ever, but the effects of the panic had driven more moderates to support repealing the free coinage provisions of the Sherman Silver Purchase Act.  Even so, the silverites rallied their following at a convention in Chicago, and the House of Representatives debated for fifteen weeks before passing the repeal by a considerable margin.Nevins, 524–528, 537–540. The vote was 239 to 108.  In the Senate, the repeal of free coinage was equally contentious, but Cleveland convinced enough Democrats to stand by him that they, along with eastern Republicans, formed a 48–37 majority.Nevins, 541–548  With the passage of the repeal, the Treasury's gold reserves were restored to safe levels.Graff, 115  At the time the repeal seemed a minor setback to silverites, but it marked the beginning of the end of silver as a basis for American currency.
</section>
<section id="3163" fatherid="3161" title="Tariff reform" lv="" priority="2" level="2">
Having succeeded in reversing the Harrison administration's silver policy, Cleveland sought next to reverse the effects of the McKinley tariff. What would become the Wilson-Gorman Tariff Act was introduced by West Virginian Representative William L. Wilson in December 1893.Nevins, 565  After lengthy debate, the bill passed the House by a considerable margin.Nevins, 567. The vote was 204 to 140  The bill proposed moderate downward revisions in the tariff, especially on raw materials.Nevins, 564–566; Jeffers, 285–287  The shortfall in revenue was to be made up by an income tax of two percent on income above $4,000.
The bill was next considered in the Senate, where opposition was stronger.Nevins, 567–569  Many Senators, led by Arthur Pue Gorman of Maryland, wanted more protection for their states' industries than the Wilson bill allowed.  Others, such as Morgan and Hill, opposed partly out of a personal enmity to Cleveland.  By the time the bill  the Senate, it had more than 600 amendments attached that nullified most of the reforms.Nevins, 572–576. The income tax component of the Wilson-Gorman Act was partially ruled unconstitutional in 1895. See Pollock v. Farmers' Loan -anddocsymbol- Trust Co.  The Sugar Trust in particular lobbied for changes that favored it at the expense of the consumer.Nevins, 577–578  Cleveland was unhappy with the result, and denounced the revised measure as a disgraceful product of the control of the Senate by trusts and business interests.Nevins, 585–587; Jeffers, 288–289  Even so, he believed it was an improvement over the McKinley tariff and allowed it to become law without his signature.Nevins, 587–588; Graff, 117

</section>
<section id="3164" fatherid="3161" title="Labor unrest" lv="" priority="3" level="2">
The Panic of 1893 had damaged labor conditions across the United States, and the victory of anti-silver legislation worsened the mood of western laborers.Graff, 117–118; Nevins, 603–605  A group of workingmen led by Jacob S. Coxey began to march east toward Washington, D.C. to protest Cleveland's policies.  This group, known as Coxey's Army, agitated in favor of a national roads program to give jobs to workingmen, and a weakened currency to help farmers pay their debts.  By the time they reached Washington, only a few hundred remained and when they were arrested the next day for walking on the grass of the United States Capitol, the group scattered.  Coxey's Army was never a threat to the government, but it showed a growing dissatisfaction in the West with Eastern monetary policies.Graff, 118; Jeffers, 280–281
The Pullman Strike had a significantly greater impact than Coxey's Army. A strike began against the Pullman Company over low wages and twelve-hour workdays, and sympathy strikes, encouraged by American Railway Union leader Eugene V. Debs, soon followed.Nevins, 611–613  By June 1894, 125,000 railroad workers were on strike, paralyzing the nation's commerce.Nevins, 614  Because the railroads carried the mail, and because several of the affected lines were in federal receivership, Cleveland believed a federal solution was appropriate.Nevins, 614–618; Graff, 118–119; Jeffers, 296–297  Cleveland obtained an injunction in federal court and when the strikers refused to obey it, he sent in federal troops to Chicago and other rail centers.Nevins, 619–623; Jeffers, 298–302. See also In re Debs.  Leading newspapers of both parties applauded Cleveland's actions, but the use of troops hardened the attitude of organized labor toward his administration.Nevins, 624–628; Jeffers, 304–305; Graff, 120

</section>
<section id="3165" fatherid="3161" title="Foreign policy, 1893–1897" lv="" priority="-4" level="2">
In January 1893, a group of Americans living in Hawai'i overthrew Queen Liliuokalani and established a provisional government under Sanford Dole.Nevins, 549–552; Graff 121–122  By February, the Harrison administration had agreed with representatives of the new government on a treaty of annexation and submitted it to the Senate for approval.  Five days after taking office, Cleveland withdrew the treaty from the Senate and sent former Congressman James Henderson Blount to Hawai'i to investigate the conditions there.Nevins, 552–554; Graff, 122
In his first term, Cleveland had supported free trade with Hawai'i and accepted an amendment that gave the United States a coaling and naval station in Pearl Harbor.  Now, however, Cleveland agreed with Blount's report, which found the populace to be opposed to annexation.  Liliuokalani refused to grant amnesty as a condition of her reinstatement, saying that she would execute the current government in Honolulu, and Dole's government refused to yield their position.Nevins, 558–559  By December 1893, the matter was still unresolved, and Cleveland referred the issue to Congress.  In his message to Congress, Cleveland rejected the idea of annexation and encouraged the Congress to continue the American tradition of non-intervention (see excerpt at ).  Many in Congress, led by Senator John Tyler Morgan favored annexation, and the report Congress eventually issued favored neither annexation of Hawaii nor the use of American force to restore the Hawaiian monarch.Graff, 123
Closer to home, Cleveland adopted a broad interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine that did not just simply forbid new European colonies but declared an American interest in any matter within the hemisphere.Zakaria, 145–146  When Britain and Venezuela disagreed over the boundary between the latter nation and British Guiana, Cleveland and Secretary of State Richard Olney pressured Britain into agreeing to arbitration.Graff, 123–125; Nevins, 633–642  A tribunal convened in Paris in 1898 to decide the matter, and issued its award in 1899.Graff, 125  The tribunal awarded the bulk of the disputed territory to British Guiana.Nevins, 647  By standing with a Latin American nation against the encroachment of a colonial power, Cleveland improved relations with the United States' southern neighbors, but the cordial manner in which the negotiations were conducted also made for good relations with Britain.Nevins, 550, 647–648

</section>
<section id="3166" fatherid="3161" title="Cancer" lv="" priority="5" level="2">
In the midst of the fight for repeal of free silver coinage in 1893, Cleveland sought the advice of the White House doctor, Dr O'Reilly about soreness on the roof of his mouth and a crater-like edge ulcer with a granulated surface on the  side of Cleveland's hard palate. Samples of the tumor were sent anonymously to the army medical museum.  The diagnosis was not a malignant cancer, but instead an epithelioma.  Several doctors, including Dr William W. Keen, Professor of Surgery at Jefferson Medical College in Philadelphia, stated after Cleveland's death that the tumor was a carcinoma.  The lump was preserved and is on display at the Mütter Museum in Philadelphia  As a result of Cleveland enjoying many more years of life after the tumor removal, there was some debate as to whether or not it was truly a malignancy.  Other suggestions included ameloblastoma or a benign salivary mixed tumor (also known as a pleomorphic adenoma).  In the 1980s, analysis of the specimen finally confirmed the tumor to be Verrucous carcinoma, an low-grade epithelial cancer with a low potential for metastasis.
Because of the financial depression of the country, Cleveland decided to have surgery performed in secrecy to avoid further market panic.Nevins, 528–529; Graff, 115–116  The surgery occurred on July 1, to give Cleveland time to make a full recovery in time for the upcoming Congressional session.Nevins, 531–533  Under the guise of a vacation cruise, Cleveland and his surgeon, Dr. Joseph Bryant,  for New York. The surgeons operated aboard the yacht Oneida as it sailed off Long Island.Nevins, 529  The surgery was conducted through the president's mouth, to avoid any scars or other signs of surgery.Nevins, 530–531  The team, sedating Cleveland with nitrous oxide and ether, successfully removed parts of his upper  jaw and hard palate.  The size of the tumor and the extent of the operation  Cleveland's mouth disfigured.Nevins, 532–533  During another surgery, an orthodontist fitted Cleveland with a hard rubber prosthesis that corrected his speech and restored his appearance.
A cover story about the removal of two bad teeth kept the suspicious press placated.Nevins, 533; Graff, 116  Even when a newspaper story appeared giving details of the actual operation, the participating surgeons discounted the severity of what transpired during Cleveland's vacation.  In 1917, one of the surgeons present on the Oneida, Dr. William W. Keen, wrote an article detailing the operation.

</section>
<section id="3167" fatherid="3161" title="Administration and Cabinet" lv="" priority="-6" level="2">
</section>
<section id="3168" fatherid="3161" title="Supreme Court appointments" lv="" priority="7" level="2">
Cleveland's trouble with the Senate hindered the success of his nominations to the Supreme Court in his second term. In 1893, after the death of Samuel Blatchford, Cleveland nominated William B. Hornblower to the Court.Nevins, 569–570  Hornblower, the head of a New York City law firm, was thought to be a qualified appointee, but his campaign against a New York machine politician had made Senator David B. Hill his enemy.  Further, Cleveland had not consulted the Senators before naming his appointee, leaving many who were already opposed to Cleveland on other grounds even more aggrieved.  The Senate rejected Hornblower's nomination on January 15, 1894, by a vote of 30 to 24.
Cleveland continued to defy the Senate by next appointing Wheeler Hazard Peckham another New York attorney who had opposed Hill's machine in that state.Nevins, 570–571  Hill used all of his influence to block Peckham's confirmation, and on February 16, 1894, the Senate rejected the nomination by a vote of 32 to 41.  Reformers urged Cleveland to continue the fight against Hill and to nominate Frederic R. Coudert, but Cleveland acquiesced in an inoffensive choice, that of Senator Edward Douglass White of Louisiana, whose nomination was accepted unanimously.  Later, in 1896, another vacancy on the Court led Cleveland to consider Hornblower again, but he declined to be nominated.Nevins, 572  Instead, Cleveland nominated Rufus Wheeler Peckham, the brother of Wheeler Hazard Peckham, and the Senate confirmed the second Peckham easily.

</section>
<section id="3169" fatherid="3161" title="States admitted to the Union" lv="" priority="-8" level="2">
</section>
</section>
<section id="3170" fatherid="0" title="Later life and death" lv="" priority="-9" level="1">
As the 1896 election approached, eastern pro-gold-standard Democrats wished Cleveland to run for a third term, but he declined.Graff, 128–129  Instead, the Democratic party turned to a silverite, William Jennings Bryan, for its nominee.Nevins, 684–693  Disappointed with the direction of their party, Gold Democrats even invited Cleveland to run as a third-party candidate, but he declined this offer as well.  Cleveland did, however, support John M. Palmer, nominee of the Gold Democrats, rather than Bryan.William DeGregorio, The Complete Book of U.S. Presidents, Gramercy 1997 William McKinley, the Republican nominee, triumphed easily over Bryan.
After leaving the White House, Cleveland lived in retirement at his estate, Westland Mansion, in Princeton, New Jersey.Graff, 131–133; Nevins, 730–735  For a time he was a trustee of Princeton University, and was one of the majority of trustees who preferred Andrew Fleming West's plans for the Graduate School and undergraduate living over those of Woodrow Wilson, then president of the University.Graff, p. 131; Alexander Leitch, A Princeton Companion, Princeton Univ Press, 1978, " Grover Cleveland" Conservative Democrats hoped to nominate him for another presidential term in 1904, but his age and health forced them to turn to other candidates.Graff, 134  Cleveland still made his views known in political matters. In a 1905 article in The Ladies Home Journal, Cleveland weighed in on the women's suffrage movement, writing that "sensible and responsible women do not want to vote. The relative positions to be assumed by men and women in the working out of our civilization were assigned long ago by a higher intelligence."Ladies Home Journal 22, (October 1905), 7–8
Cleveland's health had been declining for several years, and in the autumn of 1907 he fell seriously ill.Graff, 135–136; Nevins, 762–764  In 1908, he suffered a heart attack and died.  His last words were "I have tried so hard to do ."Jeffers, 340; Graff, 135. Nevins makes no mention of these last words.  He is buried in the Princeton Cemetery of the Nassau Presbyterian Church.

</section>
<section id="3171" fatherid="0" title="Honors and memorials" lv="" priority="-10" level="1">
frame|Cleveland on the $1000 bill
In his first term in office, Cleveland sought a summer house to escape the heat and smells of Washington, D.C., but needed to remain near the capital.  Acting in secret, he located a house, Oak View (or Oak Hill), in a rural upland part of the District of Columbia, and bought it in 1886. Although he sold Oak View upon leaving the White House (the first time), the area became known as Cleveland Park, which name it still bears.  The Clevelands are depicted in local murals and the like.See, e.g., Cleveland Park Historical Society, "A Brief History of Cleveland Park"; accessed 2009.04.08.
Grover Cleveland Hall at Buffalo State College in Buffalo, New York. Cleveland Hall houses the offices of the college president, vice presidents, and other administrative functions and student services. Cleveland was a member of the first board of directors of the then Buffalo Normal School (1870)"Buffalo State College Cleveland Hall"; accessed 2009.11.11.
Grover Cleveland Middle School in his birthplace, Caldwell, New Jersey, was named for him, as is Grover Cleveland High School in Buffalo, New York, and the town of Cleveland, Mississippi.
Cleveland's portrait was on the U.S. $1000 bill of series 1928 and series 1934. He also appeared on the first few issues of the $20 Federal Reserve Notes from 1914. Since he was both the 22nd and 24th president, he will be featured on two separate dollar coins to be released in 2012 as part of the Presidential $1 Coin Act of 2005.
In 2006, Free New York, a nonprofit and nonpartisan research group, began raising funds to purchase the former Fairfield Library in Buffalo, New York and transform it into the Grover Cleveland Presidential Library -anddocsymbol- Museum.

</section>
<section id="3172" fatherid="0" title="Notes" lv="" priority="-11" level="1">
</section>
<section id="3173" fatherid="0" title="References" lv="" priority="-12" level="1">
<section id="3174" fatherid="3173" title="Sources" lv="" priority="-1" level="2">
</section>
<section id="3175" fatherid="3173" title="Further reading" lv="" priority="-2" level="2">
</section>
</section>
<section id="3176" fatherid="0" title="External links" lv="" priority="-13" level="1">
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