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<title>1962 South Vietnamese Independence Palace bombing</title>
<authors>Wikipedia</authors>
<publisher>wikipedia.org</publisher>
<publishedplace>network</publishedplace>
<publishedyear>2010</publishedyear>
<edition></edition>
<category>Mutinies</category>
<section id="42480" fatherid="0" title="" lv="" priority="-1" level="1">
The 1962 South Vietnamese Independence Palace bombing in Saigon was an aerial attack on February 27, 1962 by two dissident Vietnam Air Force pilots, Second Lieutenant Nguyen Van Cu and First Lieutenant Pham Phu Quoc. The pilots targeted the Independence Palace, the official residence of the President of South Vietnam, with the aim of assassinating President Ngo Dinh Diem and his immediate family, who acted as his political advisors.
The pilots stated later that their assassination attempt was in response to Diem's autocratic rule, in which he focused more on remaining in power than on confronting the Vietcong. Cu and Quoc hoped that the airstrike would expose Diem's vulnerability and trigger a general uprising, but this failed to materialise. One bomb penetrated a room in the western wing where Diem was reading but it failed to detonate, leading the president to claim that he had "divine protection". With the exception of Diem's sister-in-law Madame Ngo Dinh Nhu, who escaped with minor injuries, the Ngo family were unscathed; however, three palace staff died and another 30 were injured. Afterwards, Cu managed to escape to Cambodia, but Quoc was arrested and imprisoned.
In the wake of the airstrike, Diem became hostile towards the American presence in South Vietnam. Diem claimed that the American media was seeking to bring him down and he introduced new restrictions on press freedom and political association. The media speculated that the United States would use the incident to justify the deployment of combat troops to South Vietnam though, in the event, the US remained circumspect. Domestically, the incident was reported to have increased plotting against Diem by his officers.Karnow, pp. 280-281.Tucker, p. 302.Langguth, pp. 163-164.

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<section id="42481" fatherid="0" title="Planning" lv="" priority="-2" level="1">
Cu was the second son of Nguyen Van Luc, a leader of the Viet Nam Quoc Dan Dang (VNQDD, ), which opposed the Diem regime. At one point in 1960, Diem had jailed Luc for one month for engaging in "anti-government activities". The VNQDD planned that Cu along with Quoc, another pilot from the same squadron, would attack the Independence Palace on February 27. Ironically, Quoc had recently been personally commended by Diem for his achievements in combat, having been honoured as one of the best pilots in the Vietnam Air Force (VNAF). Quoc also had relatives who were involved with the VNQDD. Cu recruited Quoc by claiming that all the armed services and the United States were aware of the plot, showing him a Newsweek article critical of Diem as "evidence".Langguth, p. 99. Quoc had more subordinates but was not sure of their loyalty, so he did not try to recruit them for the attack on the palace. Years after the airstrike, Cu blamed Diem's treatment of opposition parties as the motivation for his attack. He believed that Diem had prioritised remaining in power over fighting the Vietcong and that, for six years, Cu had been denied promotion because of Diem's obsession with hindering political opponents. Cu criticised the American government for its support for Diem, which he felt had stifled the war effort, saying that "the Americans had slammed the door on those of us who really wanted the fight against the communists".
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<section id="42482" fatherid="0" title="Attack" lv="" priority="3" level="1">
Quoc and Cu, who were trained in France and the United States, respectively, were given orders to fly from Saigon to the Mekong Delta in an early morning mission against the Vietcong. The communists had been involved in attacks on Army of the Republic of Vietnam units  of the capital and had inflicted heavy damage. Instead of proceeding south as ordered, they changed course to attack the Independence Palace, the official presidential residence. This meant that two companies of communist guerrillas were able to retreat after their attack without counter-attack.
At around 07:00, the deer on the expansive lawns of the French colonial-era palace were fened off by as Quoc and Cu-flying American-built A-1 Skyraiders (A1H/AD-6 variant) single-seater bombers-flew low over their target to inspect the ruling family’s residence. On their second run, they attacked with bombs and napalm before strafing the presidential compound with rocket and machine-gun fire. The duo continued their runs for 30 minutes before units loyal to the president arrived and launched a counterattack. Taking advantage of poor weather and low cloud cover, the two pilots circled the palace at altitudes of around , periodically diving out of the clouds to re-attack before darting back into them. The airstrike caught the Saigon garrison off guard and, in the confusion, they were unable to determine whether the aircraft were acting alone or with ground forces. Loyalist tanks and armoured personnel carriers rushed to their battle stations and anti-aircraft batteries opened fire, nearly hitting the loyalist aircraft from Bien Hoa Air Base in pursuit of the two rebel planes. Two tanks and a number of jeeps armed with 50-calibre machine guns patrolled the smoke-filled streets as a precaution.Jones, pp. 162-163.
The first  bomb penetrated a room in the western wing where Diem was reading a biography of George Washington. The bomb failed to detonate, which gave Diem enough time to seek shelter in a cellar in the eastern wing. He was joined there by his elder brother Archbishop Ngo Dinh Thuc, younger brother Ngo Dinh Nhu, Madame Ngo Dinh Nhu-who sustained an arm fracture while running toward the cellar-and their children. Elsewhere within the palace, three servants and guards were killed, and about thirty more staff were injured. Outside the palace grounds, an American contractor died after falling from a rooftop where he had been watching the bombing. Despite the confusion, most of the city's inhabitants went about their usual business, indifferent to the chaos. The attack lasted 30 minutes and although they carried enough bombs to level the palace, the pilots did not expend all their munitions. Quoc's aircraft was damaged by fire from a minesweeper, forcing him to eject over the Saigon River and land in Nha Be, suffering minor facial injuries in the landing. After his arrest by a nearby naval patrol, he reportedly asked "did I kill that filthy character?" before being taken away for interrogation. Cu believed the attack had been successful and managed to safely flee to Cambodia. Commenting on the skills of the attackers, a US Air Force officer opined that "with that weather, they did a hell of a job".

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<section id="42483" fatherid="0" title="Aftermath" lv="" priority="-4" level="1">
<section id="42484" fatherid="42483" title="" lv="" priority="-1" level="2">
In a brief radio address after order had been restored, Diem dismissed the attack as an "isolated act" and attributed his escape to "divine protection". He visited the soldiers wounded in the attacks, and also promised the rebel pilots' colleagues that they would not bear any responsibility for the bombing. American President John F. Kennedy promptly sent a message denouncing the attack as a "destructive and vicious act", and expressed relief that Diem was "safe and unharmed". US ambassador Frederick Nolting determined that the attack had been the result of "two isolated cases" and opined that the incident did not represent widespread dissatisfaction with the regime. The absence of a Vietcong reaction led Nolting to label the bombing as a "limited scope, anti-Communist assassination attempt". The National Assembly, Diem's rubber stamp legislative body, urged the president to "take drastic measures against irresponsible elements". General Duong Van Minh, the presidential military advisor, attributed the assault to "disgruntled pilots", and noted that no hostile troop movements had occurred.Hammer, p. 137. The Civil Guard had remained loyal and its commander ordered his airborne forces to take over Tan Son Nhut Air Base. A spokesperson for Diem also denied that napalm had been used against the palace. This was widely believed to be due to the fact that the government was sensitive to the ramifications of the air force being revealed to have such weapons in their stocks. He also claimed that the situation was under “complete control”.
The VNAF reacted to the two pilots’ actions by sending a resolution to Diem, saying that the attack was an “absolutely isolated and foolish” event that “impaired the prestige of the air force” and was “detrimental to the national effort in the present struggle and is profitable to the Communists in their work of subversion”. The National Revolutionary Movement, a organisation used by the Ngo family to stage orchestrated mass demonstrations in support of themselves, called for the death penalty against the two pilots and further asked Diem to enact the “strictest measures to insure discipline in the military”.
As a result of the attack, Diem ordered that all VNAF aircraft be grounded and all aerial combat missions were suspended while his security officials investigated fighter pilots for any possible anti-regime tendencies. This was achieved by placing tanks on the runway at Bien Hoa Air Base. Without assistance from accompanying fighter craft, it was deemed too risky for American helicopters to operate in the jungles against the communists. On March 2, three days after the attack, Diem allowed the air force to resume combat operations, having concluded that Cu and Quoc’s sentiments were not representative of the air force. For a few days after the attack, the areas around the palace were cordoned off and tanks were stationed at prominent streets in the capital.
Quoc was imprisoned for his actions, while Cu remained in exile in Cambodia where he worked as a language teacher. Diem asked Cambodia to extradite Cu, but this request was refused.  Cambodia’s Prince Norodom Sihanouk and Diem had extremely hostile relations, and the Ngo family had tried to depose him in the past by funding coup attempts. In 1959, Nhu tried to assassinate Sihanouk by sending him a parcel bomb.Osborne, pp. 106-112. As a result, Sihanouk routinely gave asylum to political refugees who had tried to depose or kill Diem. In November 1960, he had given asylum to a group of paratroopers who tried to depose Diem.Hammer, pp. 128-132.
In the meantime, Diem’s police sought to track down Cu’s father, who had gone into hiding following the assassination attempt. After Diem's assassination in November 1963, Quoc was released from prison and Cu returned from exile on November 16, and they resumed their service in the air force. Quoc then advanced to the rank of lieutenant colonel in 18 months before being killed in an air raid over North Vietnam on April 20, 1965.

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<section id="42485" fatherid="42483" title="Diem reaction" lv="" priority="2" level="2">
During Nolting's first meeting with Diem after the assassination attempt, the president adamantly asserted that the media was responsible for the bombing. He pointed to the Newsweek article and other "derogatory articles in the press", using them to justify his claim that "the Americans were supporting the revolution". Diem declared that while some journalists were portraying the bombing as a wake-up call he saw it as "a warning to them-an indicator of the danger of their irresponsibility in fomenting disorder".Jacobs, pp. 131-132.
In a later meeting with General Paul D. Harkins, head of the US military mission to Vietnam, Diem joked: "I shouldn't have put him in the air force, because I had put his father in jail years ago". Diem went on to predict that "sometime I'm going to get shot  in the back of the neck. Sometime they'll get me that way". He was shot dead after a successful coup in 1963. Diem reacted to the assassination attempt by cracking down on political dissidents and further tightening control of the press.Tucker, p. 405. Off the record, one official admitted that "we don't even talk about freedom of the press or ask for other liberties any more ... Diem had completely surrounded himself in a protective oligarchy". Nhu justified anti-opposition restrictions, remarking that "there's always going to be an opposition. If we take these people in, there will be another opposition springing up, because they are controversial men." Madame Nhu added, "you open a window to let in light and air, not bullets. We want freedom, but we don't want to be exploited by it."Warner, p. 92.

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<section id="42486" fatherid="42483" title="US reaction" lv="" priority="-3" level="2">
The attack generated speculation that the US would respond by deploying combat troops in South Vietnam. At that time, US military personnel officially held only advisory capacities. In the response to media concerns about the stability of the Diem government, US Secretary of State Dean Rusk denied that the US had plans to deploy combat forces. He also ruled out negotiations with the Vietcong, saying "the root of the trouble" was communist violations of the Geneva Accords. United States Ambassador to India John Kenneth Galbraith lobbied Kennedy against the deployment of combat troops, believing that it would lead to endless South Vietnamese requests for more troops. Galbraith further believed that wasting US resources in the jungles of Vietnam would be playing into the hands of the Soviet Union. According to one US observer, the palace bombing provoked "full scale plotting against Diem". Galbraith noted that "when the man in power is on the way down, anything is better" and considered that any change in South Vietnamese leadership would bring an improvement.
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<section id="42487" fatherid="0" title="Notes" lv="" priority="-5" level="1">
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<section id="42488" fatherid="0" title="References" lv="" priority="-6" level="1">
Category:1962 in Vietnam
Category:Attempted coups
Category:Assassination attempts
Category:Conflicts in 1962
Category:History of South Vietnam
Category:Mutinies
Category:Ngo Dinh Diem
Category:History of Ho Chi Minh City

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